As a student activist at the time, Ahmad was jailed for his participation in the student demonstrations at the University of Tehran. At the height of the protests, a photograph of Batebi made its way onto the cover of The Economist magazine.
Kookje Daily News of BusanEconomic Framework During the period from toSouth Korea suffered a serious setback in its national economy because of the financial crisis that had also engulfed a few other Asian countries. This was a serious blow to the Korean self-esteem since by that time Korea had been continuing a highly successful rapid economic development for three consecutive decades.
The International Monetary Fund stepped in, pressuring Korea to do a massive restructuring of its management of the financial institutions, liberalizing of regulatory mechanisms, and improving on the transparency in the accounting and administration of business operations.
Owing to a nationwide rally, its economy bounced back in During the setback period, the media sector as a whole also incurred a sharp downturn in advertising revenues, but since the business has begun to regain its vitality. The South Korean press draws almost 80 percent of its revenue from advertising, with the remaining 20 percent coming from subscription fees.
They rate the threats coming from governmental sources and legal constraint at the scores of 7. Survey results like these are being touted by the government as evidence of the need for press reform to be done from inside.
Press unions and civic groups champion this cause. They specifically demand that the "rights to editorial independence" be guaranteed by an internal mechanism like editorial board so that the management cannot interfere with editorial decision-making processes.
Even the government administration finds the bill problematic in terms of free-market ideals. The so-called "rights to editorial independence" is a uniquely Korean concept. It is a concept that tells the press owners to take their hands off from the decision-making processes in the newsroom.
The Berlin Wall—symbol of a divided city within a divided nation within a divided continent—was grounded in decades-old historical divisions at the end of World War II. The tragic case of a Hobart woman who was stabbed to death by a mentally ill man, who was released from prison the day prior, has sparked a state inquiry into prison psychiatric services in Tasmania. CHEORWON, South Korea (AP) — South Korea is dismantling frontline guard posts with dynamite and excavators as part of its agreements to lower military.
Owners of the press institutions hold a different view, of course. They suspect that such a demand is a ploy by the activist unions and the progressive subgroup of the news-room staff to shape the press along the lines of their political and ideological objectives.
Press unions are gaining influences in the management of their institutions. The total of 38, media employees includes: Media employees are a dominated market at 85 percent male. The unions at television networks are especially strong, and their relationships with the management are often confrontational and acrimonious.
Press unions are keenly interested in expanding newsroom prerogatives against management interference over editorial matters. On the other hand, such unions tend to go along with the management on measures related to the profit maximization of their media.
Many of the local dailies are known to pressure their reporters to recruit ad sponsors for the well-being of their companies. Of this total The top three compete for a bigger share of ad revenues to remain on the top ladder; the other national dailies do the same not to fall behind; and the majority local dailies just to survive.
Their competition is akin to circulation wars.
One daily is known to have distributed bicycles and mobile phone sets to lure new subscribers. Most other dailies hand out a variety of gifts as incentives for new subscriptions. Many of these practices are violations of the Korea Fair Trade Commission rules, but somehow nobody in Korea seems to have the will to enforce the law.
Some of them are known to pay only nominal salaries to their newsroom personnel, asking them to collect commissions from new ad revenues they steer to the dailies. In this course, various unethical and illegal dealings do often occur, such as some reporters bartering publicity articles for new ad sponsorships or some others playing down negative stories involving some institutions if these places promise placing ad pieces.
Local dailies are notorious for their dogged pressure toward institutions, public or private, for subscriptions.
In a sense, the government is to blame for the beginning of this practice since it traditionally has pressured public offices to subscribe to government-supported papers and display such papers to visitors to their places.
By tradition, there is no chain ownership of the press in Korea. Instead, a few families separately own the leading papers, with each one competitively developing its sister publications from its own mammoth press complex.
Cross-media ownership existed until when the then military-turned-civilian government forcefully terminated it. That government also forcefully shut down a large number of local dailies, allowing only one viable local daily per province, of which there are nine. The method the government used at that time was certainly undemocratic, dictatorial and anti-free market.
But there were a certain number of sympathizers in favor of the governmental actions on local dailies for their belief that something had to be done with corruption and illegalities attributable to the local dailies.
The one-paper-per-province rule was lifted inthe year when Korea began an era of truly free press and liberalization in politics. After this, the number of local dailies mushroomed, many of them with shaky assets not enough to run the press in a fiscally responsible manner.
This relatively high pay scale is not without its critics from among those who view journalism as a service to the average person.Read an Excerpt.
FOREWORD. SEOUL, SOUTH KOREA. Early in , Shin Dong-hyuk changed his story. He told me by telephone that his life in the North Korean gulag differed from what he had been telling government leaders, human rights activists, and journalists like me. The media of North Korea is amongst the most strictly controlled in the world.
The constitution nominally provides for freedom of speech and the lausannecongress2018.comr, the government prohibits the exercise of these rights in practice, unless it is in praise of the country and its government and leader.
” Maybe it’s time (actually, it’s long past time) for western leaders, who have seen fit to starve North Korea into complying with their own notions of what a “good” North Korea should think and do, to cut the ‘holier than thou’ crap. The relationship between China and North Korea has evolved over time since it began during the Korean War.
China fought alongside North Korea during the Korean War to protect their mutual ideology of Communism (at the time at least), maintain border control and safeguard sovereignty.
He has less experience dealing with South Korea and a scanty record of diplomatic involvement with North Korea. Harris has visited South Korea many times in his various military jobs over the years. It's certainly not comparing like with like: North Korea is a small, impoverished and isolated country; South Korea is wealthy and backed by the world's number one superpower.